Workers of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains.
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.
In bourgeois society, capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is dependent and has no individuality.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.
Capital is dead labor, which, vampire-like, lives only by sucking living labor and lives the more, the more labor it sucks.
Communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis.
The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property.
Religion is the opium of the people.
The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization.
The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.
Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economic conditions of the existence of your class.
The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products.
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority.
The establishment of a central authority which possesses a monopoly of armed force is one of the principal characteristics of the modern bourgeois state.
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e., the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his ‘natural superiors,’ and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ‘cash payment.’
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population.
You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.
You must, therefore, confess that by ‘individual’ you mean no other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property.
The ruling class in every age have ever been the exploiters, oppressing and crushing the oppressed.
The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe.
The means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society.
The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization.
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together.
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed – a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital.
As in private life one differentiates between what a man thinks and says of himself and what he really is and does, so in historical struggles one must still more distinguish the language and the imaginary aspirations of parties from their real organism and their real interests, their conception of themselves from their reality.
The bourgeoisie itself is a product of the revolutionizing instruments of production, the expansion of commerce and industry, the introduction of machinery.
The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his ‘natural superiors,’ and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ‘cash payment.’
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them, the whole relations of society.
The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.
It [the bourgeoisie] has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms has set up that single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.
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